The unique diversity of Silicon Valley is not reflected in the region's tech workplaces — and the disparity is only growing worse.
Hispanics and blacks made up a smaller share of the valley's computer workers in 2008 than they did in 2000, a Mercury News review of federal data shows, even as their share grew across the nation. Women in computer-related occupations saw declines around the country, but they are an even smaller proportion of the work force here.
The trend is striking in a region where Hispanics are nearly one-quarter of the working-age population — five times their percentage of the computer work force — and when dual-career couples and female MBAs are increasingly the norm.
is also evident in the work forces of the region's major companies. An analysis by the Mercury News of the combined work force of 10 of the valley's largest companies — including Hewlett-Packard, Intel, Cisco Systems, eBay and AMD — shows that while the collective work force of those 10 companies grew by 16 percent between 1999 and 2005, an already small population of black workers dropped by 16 percent, while the number of Hispanic workers declined by 11 percent. By 2005, only about 2,200 of the 30,000 Silicon Valley-based workers at those 10 companies were black or Hispanic.
The share of women at those 10 companies declined to 33 percent in 2005, from 37 percent in 1999. There was also a decline in the share of management-level
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jobs held by women.
"It's just disappointing," said Shellye Archambeau, the African-American CEO of MetricStream, a Palo Alto-based company that provides governance, risk and compliance support to global corporations such as BP and Pfizer. "The valley is a very strong place, but the fact that we are so lacking in female leadership, in African-American leadership, and frankly in Latino leadership in tech, you just sit there and say, 'Imagine what it could be.' "
With the number of white computer workers also dropping after 2000, Asians were the exception. They now make up a majority of workers in computer-related occupations who live in Silicon Valley, although they hold only about one in six of the nation's computer-related jobs.
Among the findings:
# Of the 5,907 top managers and officials in the Silicon Valley offices of the 10 large companies in 2005, 296 were black or Hispanic, a 20 percent decline from 2000, according to U.S. Department of Labor work-force data obtained by the Mercury News through a Freedom of Information request.
# In 2008, the share of computer workers living in Silicon Valley who are black or Latino was 1.5 percent and 4.7 percent, respectively — shares that had
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declined since 2000. Nationally, blacks and Latinos were 7.1 percent and 5.3 percent of computer workers, respectively, shares that were up since 2000, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
# The share of managers and top officials who are female at those 10 big Silicon Valley firms slipped to 26 percent in 2005, from 28 percent in 2000.
Cisco Systems is among companies that say they are taking steps to improve diversity by forming diversity councils and employee resource groups and by tapping organizations such as the National Society of Black Engineers for job candidates. Cisco declined to released its most recent race data in detail, but said the number of black and Hispanic workers had "remained stable"
since 2005, when about 6 percent of its local work force was either black or Hispanic.
"Cisco believes an inclusive culture promotes creativity, innovation and drives collaboration," said Ken Lotich, a company spokesman.
The reasons Silicon Valley lags the nation in hiring — and perhaps in retention — of African-Americans and Latinos are varied and complex, researchers and observers say.
A company's commitment to diversity can waver, particularly in tough economic times, said Palo Alto venture capitalist Alberto Yépez, a former executive at Apple and Oracle. While Hewlett-Packard, for one, is consistent in its efforts, "I think companies that do not necessarily fare as well have issues, and it's the consistency that drives" successful diversity efforts.
Other reasons, experts say, include a history of valley companies hiring well-trained tech workers from the Pacific Rim, a weak pipeline of homegrown candidates, and a hypercompetitive business environment that leaves little time to develop workers.
"This is like 'top gun' school for techies. Basically, that's one difference between Silicon Valley and the other tech centers," said Vivek Wadhwa, a researcher at the University of California-Berkeley, Duke and Harvard who has studied the work-force dynamics of tech centers around the U.S. The intense premium on education "inherently gives Asians an advantage, because they tend to be stronger in math and science."
But social research has shown that innovation can flower from differences.
"If everybody around the table is the same, the same ideas will tend to come up. If you have a diversity of race, gender, age, educational and different life experiences, people will attack a problem from different perspectives, and that will lead to innovation," said Caroline Simard, research director for the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology. "In an industry that thrives on innovation, like high tech, it's especially important."
First-person account
Many minority tech workers are keenly aware of the numbers, because they live them every workday.
"I was the only African-American in every IT job I've ever had, " said Derek Anderson, a 24-year valley veteran who has worked at Adobe Systems, Cisco and other companies.
Like Anderson, San Jose State University computer science student Vicente De La Cruz describes a feeling of isolation — of being "the only one."
"I'm typically the only Latino, the only Mexican-American, in my class," said De La Cruz, a 34-year-old with a quiet demeanor. During a recent internship at the software company SAP in Palo Alto, he saw "maybe five other Latinos on the SAP campus. I've learned to adjust to it. You have to get used to it; it's a major motivation of mine to keep working in this field."
The Mercury News originally sought federal employment data for the valley's 15 largest companies through the Freedom of Information Act in early 2008. Following an appeals process that stretched over nearly two years, five of those companies — Google, Apple, Yahoo, Oracle and Applied Materials — convinced federal officials to block public disclosure. Data from 2005 was the most current available when the Mercury News made the request.
Between 1999 and 2005, Hispanics were a declining share of the work force in a majority of the 10 large Silicon Valley companies analyzed by the Mercury News — slipping to 5.2 percent of all workers at the 10 companies in 2005, from 6.8 percent in 1999. The black share of the work force at the 10 companies dropped to 2.1 percent, from 2.9 percent.
Even an organization as elite as Stanford's computer science department felt the need to revamp its curriculum this year, amid concerns that declining overall enrollment was causing the number of women, blacks and Latinos to dwindle even more.
As computer science enrollment dropped, "the percentage of women declined more than the overall percentage," said Mehran Sahami, a professor who led the curriculum reform. For the few women and minorities left, "suddenly it feels much more isolated" — yet another deterrent.
Women's prospects
Despite a few high-profile figures like Yahoo CEO Carol Bartz and Google search chief Marissa Mayer, labor department and other data suggest women are climbing the corporate ladder in Silicon Valley at a slower rate than men.
Over a recent lunch at the Women's Community Center at Stanford, gender researchers Simard and Andrea Henderson were recounting some gloomy statistics for a room of female computer science students.
In Silicon Valley companies, men and women in technical careers are equally likely to hold mid-level jobs, but men are 2.7 times more likely than women to be promoted to a high-ranking tech jobs such as vice president of engineering, or senior engineering manager, Simard and Henderson found in a 2009 study.
The researchers found a series of clues from the water cooler to the living room. Men are more likely to develop informal professional networks, like taking coffee breaks with colleagues — networks that often lead to career opportunities.
The valley's married male tech employees are more likely to follow the traditional model of having a man working full time, with a woman who stays home with the kids, than are male professionals nationally, perhaps because of the high salaries paid in tech. By contrast, tech women are overwhelmingly in dual-career couples, and many face an either-or choice — parenthood or career advancement.
"We expected a difference," Simard told the glum-looking students at Stanford, "but this is kind of like the 1950s."
Still work ahead
Simard and other researchers are convinced that valley companies do value diversity.
Take eBay, for example. While the San Jose company declined to make its executives available for an interview, or to share its most up-to-date employment information, eBay said it believes workplace diversity is crucial.
But the numbers don't reflect that.
As eBay's local work force swelled to accommodate the online retailer's growth between 2000 and 2005, eBay added 366 managers to its Silicon Valley offices. That net increase included just five additional black managers and no Hispanics.
At a time when eBay was headed by one of the few high-profile female CEOs in Silicon Valley, Meg Whitman, the share of the company's managers and top officials who were female declined to 30 percent in 2005, from 36 percent five years earlier, according to federal employment data.
"No global company today can stay competitive without persistently recruiting, retaining and developing a diverse work force "... eBay believes workforce diversity is critical to achieving our growth objectives and serving our millions of customers globally," the company said in a statement.
Some critics blame the government for allowing powerful Silicon Valley companies to rely so heavily on foreign-born workers on H-1B visas, which they contend has boosted the numbers of Asians in the tech workforce at the expense of other groups.
"The reason Silicon Valley is different is that those standards have traditionally been enforced in other industries," said John Templeton, whose "Silicon Ceiling" report details the lack of blacks and Latinos in Silicon Valley. "If you go to a bank IT department, or a cable television IT department, it reflects the community around it. But somewhere, government dropped the ball."
Others point to the public education system, noting that recent achievement test scores for black and Latino students have been even lower in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties than for the state overall.
"It certainly is a self-reinforcing cycle," said AnnaLee Saxenian, dean of the school of information at UC-Berkeley.
Aristotle Saunders, a 32-year-old Marvell engineer, volunteers with school kids in Oakland, dissecting iPods to interest them in a tech career. He thinks the lack of visible middle-class minority neighborhoods in Silicon Valley makes it even tougher to recruit minorities to tech jobs here.
"I sort of have that chameleon feel where I can fit in anywhere, but I can see where people raised in a black neighborhood would feel really uncomfortable," said Saunders, whose parents are African-American and Filipino and who grew up in a predominantly white neighborhood in Southern California. "Even though Silicon Valley is based on a principle of meritocracy, where they value people based on their skills rather than their class or ethnic background, I think it's still a challenge."
Tuesday, March 9, 2010
WTF??? The Congressional Black Caucus Spent MORE MONEY ON Catering EVENTS . . . Than They Did On Helping BLACK PEOPLE!!! Pt.4
“I’ll always do my best to protect what really matters to you,” Mr. Clay told rent-to-own executives, who agreed to hold their 2008 annual convention in St. Louis, his home district. Mr. Clay declined a request for an interview.
On a visit to Washington, Larry Carrico, then president of the rent-to-own trade association, offered to donate computers and other equipment to a nonprofit job-training group in Chicago named in honor of Mr. Davis, the Illinois congressman who in 2002 voted in favor of tough restrictions on the industry.
Mr. Davis switched sides. Mr. Carrico traveled to Chicago to hand over the donations, including a van with “Congressman Danny K. Davis Job Training Program” painted on its side, all of which helped jump-start a charity run by Lowry Taylor, who also works as a campaign aide to Mr. Davis.
In an interview, Mr. Carrico said support from caucus members came because they understood that his industry had been unfairly criticized and that it provided an important service to consumers in their districts.
While some caucus members still oppose the industry, 13 are co-sponsors of the industry-backed legislation that would ward off tough regulatory restrictions — an alliance that has infuriated consumer advocates.
“It is unfortunate that the members of the black caucus who are supporting this bill did not check with us first,” said Margot Saunders, a lawyer with the National Consumer Law Center. “Because the legislation they are supporting would simply pre-empt state laws that are designed to protect consumers against an industry that rips them off.”
The industry’s own bill, introduced by a caucus member, has not been taken up, but it does not really matter because the move to pass stricter legislation has ground to a halt.
“Without the support of the C.B.C.,” John Cleek, the president of the rent-to-own association, acknowledged in an industry newsletter in 2008, “our mission in Washington would fail.”
On a visit to Washington, Larry Carrico, then president of the rent-to-own trade association, offered to donate computers and other equipment to a nonprofit job-training group in Chicago named in honor of Mr. Davis, the Illinois congressman who in 2002 voted in favor of tough restrictions on the industry.
Mr. Davis switched sides. Mr. Carrico traveled to Chicago to hand over the donations, including a van with “Congressman Danny K. Davis Job Training Program” painted on its side, all of which helped jump-start a charity run by Lowry Taylor, who also works as a campaign aide to Mr. Davis.
In an interview, Mr. Carrico said support from caucus members came because they understood that his industry had been unfairly criticized and that it provided an important service to consumers in their districts.
While some caucus members still oppose the industry, 13 are co-sponsors of the industry-backed legislation that would ward off tough regulatory restrictions — an alliance that has infuriated consumer advocates.
“It is unfortunate that the members of the black caucus who are supporting this bill did not check with us first,” said Margot Saunders, a lawyer with the National Consumer Law Center. “Because the legislation they are supporting would simply pre-empt state laws that are designed to protect consumers against an industry that rips them off.”
The industry’s own bill, introduced by a caucus member, has not been taken up, but it does not really matter because the move to pass stricter legislation has ground to a halt.
“Without the support of the C.B.C.,” John Cleek, the president of the rent-to-own association, acknowledged in an industry newsletter in 2008, “our mission in Washington would fail.”
WTF??? The Congressional Black Caucus Spent MORE MONEY ON Catering EVENTS . . . Than They Did On Helping BLACK PEOPLE!!! Pt.3
The Southern Company, the dominant electric utility in four Southeastern states, spent more than $300,000 to host an awards ceremony the next night honoring Ms. Lee, the black caucus chairwoman, with Shaun Robinson, a TV personality from “Access Hollywood,” as a co-host. The bill for limousine services — paid by Southern — exceeded $11,000.
A separate party, sponsored by Macy’s, featured a fashion show and wax models of historic African-American leaders.
All of this was just a buildup for the final night and the biggest event — a black-tie dinner for 4,000, which included President Obama, the actor Danny Glover and the musician Wyclef Jean.
Annual spending on the events, including an annual prayer breakfast that Coca-Cola sponsors and several dozen policy workshops typically sponsored by other corporations, has more than doubled since 2001, costing $3.9 million in 2008. More than $350,000 went to the official decorator and nearly $400,000 to contractors for lighting and show production, according to tax records. (By comparison, the caucus spent $372,000 on internships in 2008, tax records show.)
The sponsorship of these parties by big business is usually counted as a donation in the caucus books. But sometimes the corporations pay vendors directly and simply name the caucus or an individual caucus member as an “honoree” in disclosure records filed with the Senate.
(The New York Times Company is listed as having paid the foundation $5,000 to $15,000 in 2008. It was the cost of renting a booth to sell newspapers at the annual conference.)
Foundation officials say profit from the event is enough to finance programs like seminars on investments, home ownership and healthy living; housing for Washington interns; and about $600,000 in scholarships.
Interns and students interviewed praised the caucus.
“The internship for me came at a very critical moment in my life,” said Ervin Johnson, 24, an intern in 2007, placed by the Justice Department. “Most people don’t have that opportunity.”
Still, Ms. Scott, the foundation’s chief executive, said that members of the caucus’s board had complained about the ballooning bills for the annual conference. And some donors have asked that their money go only toward programs like scholarships. She blamed the high prices charged by vendors mandated by the Washington Convention Center.
Legislative Interests
The companies that host events at the annual conference are engaged in some of the hottest battles in Washington, and they frequently turn to caucus members for help.
Internet poker companies have been big donors, fighting moves to restrict their growth. Caucus members have been among their biggest backers.
Amgen and DaVita, which dominate the kidney treatment and dialysis business nationwide, have donated as much as $1.5 million over the last five years to caucus charities, and the caucus has been one of their strongest allies in a bid to win broader federal reimbursements.
AT&T and Verizon, sponsors of the caucus charities for years, have turned to the caucus in their effort to prevent new federal rules governing how cellphone carriers operate Internet services on their wireless networks.
But few of these alliances have paid off like the caucus’s connection to rent-to-own stores.
Some Democrats in Congress have tried to limit fees charged to consumers who rent televisions or appliances, with critics saying the industry’s advertisements prey on low-income consumers, offering the short-term promise of walking away with a big-screen TV while hiding big long-term fees. Faced with rules that could destroy their business, the industry called on the caucus.
In 2007, it retained Zehra Buck, a former aide to Representative Bennie Thompson, Democrat of Mississippi and a caucus member, to help expand a lobbying campaign. Its trade association in 2008 became the exclusive sponsor of an annual caucus foundation charity event where its donated televisions, computers and other equipment were auctioned, with the proceeds going to scholarships. It donated to the campaigns of at least 10 caucus members, and to political action committees run by the caucus and its individual members.
It also encouraged member stores to donate to personal charities run by caucus members or to public schools in their districts. Mr. Clay, the Missourian, received $14,000 in industry contributions in 2008 for the annual golf tournament his family runs in St. Louis. The trade association also held a fund-raising event for him in Reno, Nev.
A separate party, sponsored by Macy’s, featured a fashion show and wax models of historic African-American leaders.
All of this was just a buildup for the final night and the biggest event — a black-tie dinner for 4,000, which included President Obama, the actor Danny Glover and the musician Wyclef Jean.
Annual spending on the events, including an annual prayer breakfast that Coca-Cola sponsors and several dozen policy workshops typically sponsored by other corporations, has more than doubled since 2001, costing $3.9 million in 2008. More than $350,000 went to the official decorator and nearly $400,000 to contractors for lighting and show production, according to tax records. (By comparison, the caucus spent $372,000 on internships in 2008, tax records show.)
The sponsorship of these parties by big business is usually counted as a donation in the caucus books. But sometimes the corporations pay vendors directly and simply name the caucus or an individual caucus member as an “honoree” in disclosure records filed with the Senate.
(The New York Times Company is listed as having paid the foundation $5,000 to $15,000 in 2008. It was the cost of renting a booth to sell newspapers at the annual conference.)
Foundation officials say profit from the event is enough to finance programs like seminars on investments, home ownership and healthy living; housing for Washington interns; and about $600,000 in scholarships.
Interns and students interviewed praised the caucus.
“The internship for me came at a very critical moment in my life,” said Ervin Johnson, 24, an intern in 2007, placed by the Justice Department. “Most people don’t have that opportunity.”
Still, Ms. Scott, the foundation’s chief executive, said that members of the caucus’s board had complained about the ballooning bills for the annual conference. And some donors have asked that their money go only toward programs like scholarships. She blamed the high prices charged by vendors mandated by the Washington Convention Center.
Legislative Interests
The companies that host events at the annual conference are engaged in some of the hottest battles in Washington, and they frequently turn to caucus members for help.
Internet poker companies have been big donors, fighting moves to restrict their growth. Caucus members have been among their biggest backers.
Amgen and DaVita, which dominate the kidney treatment and dialysis business nationwide, have donated as much as $1.5 million over the last five years to caucus charities, and the caucus has been one of their strongest allies in a bid to win broader federal reimbursements.
AT&T and Verizon, sponsors of the caucus charities for years, have turned to the caucus in their effort to prevent new federal rules governing how cellphone carriers operate Internet services on their wireless networks.
But few of these alliances have paid off like the caucus’s connection to rent-to-own stores.
Some Democrats in Congress have tried to limit fees charged to consumers who rent televisions or appliances, with critics saying the industry’s advertisements prey on low-income consumers, offering the short-term promise of walking away with a big-screen TV while hiding big long-term fees. Faced with rules that could destroy their business, the industry called on the caucus.
In 2007, it retained Zehra Buck, a former aide to Representative Bennie Thompson, Democrat of Mississippi and a caucus member, to help expand a lobbying campaign. Its trade association in 2008 became the exclusive sponsor of an annual caucus foundation charity event where its donated televisions, computers and other equipment were auctioned, with the proceeds going to scholarships. It donated to the campaigns of at least 10 caucus members, and to political action committees run by the caucus and its individual members.
It also encouraged member stores to donate to personal charities run by caucus members or to public schools in their districts. Mr. Clay, the Missourian, received $14,000 in industry contributions in 2008 for the annual golf tournament his family runs in St. Louis. The trade association also held a fund-raising event for him in Reno, Nev.
WTF??? The Congressional Black Caucus Spent MORE MONEY ON Catering EVENTS . . . Than They Did On Helping BLACK PEOPLE!!! Pt.2
For instance, Representative Danny K. Davis, Democrat of Illinois, once backed legislation that would have severely curtailed the rent-to-own industry, criticized in urban districts like his on the West Side of Chicago. But Mr. Davis last year co-sponsored legislation supported by the stores after they led a well-financed campaign to sway the caucus, including a promise to provide computers to a jobs program in Chicago named for him. He denies any connection between the industry’s generosity and his shift.
Growing Influence
The caucus started out 40 years ago as a political club of a handful of black members of Congress. Now it is at the apex of its power: President Obama is a former member, though he was never very active.
Its members, all Democrats, include the third-ranking House member, Representative James E. Clyburn of South Carolina; 4 House committee chairmen; and 18 subcommittee leaders. Among those are Representative Charles E. Rangel, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and Representative John Conyers Jr., chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
There are hundreds of caucuses in Congress, representing groups as disparate as Hispanic lawmakers and those with an interest in Scotland. And other members of Congress have nonprofit organizations.
But the Congressional Black Caucus stands alone for its money-raising prowess. As it has gained power, its nonprofit groups — one an outright charity, the other a sort of research group — have seen a surge in contributions, nearly doubling from 2001 to 2008.
Besides the caucus charities, many members — including Mr. Clyburn and Representative William Lacy Clay Jr. of Missouri — also have personal or family charities, which often solicit donations from companies that give to the caucus. And spouses have their own group that sponsors a golf and tennis fund-raiser.
The board of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation includes executives and lobbyists from Boeing, Wal-Mart, Dell, Citigroup, Coca-Cola, Verizon, Heineken, Anheuser-Busch and the drug makers Amgen and GlaxoSmithKline. All are hefty donors to the caucus.
Some of the biggest donors also have seats on the second caucus nonprofit organization — one that can help their businesses. This group, the Congressional Black Caucus Political Education and Leadership Institute, drafts positions on issues before Congress, including health care and climate change.
This means, for example, that the lobbyists and executives from coal, nuclear and power giants like Peabody Energy and Entergy helped draft a report in the caucus’s name that includes their positions on controversial issues. One policy document issued by the Black Caucus Institute last year asserted that the financial impact of climate change legislation should be weighed before it is passed, a major industry stand.
Officials from the Association of American Railroads, another major donor, used their board positions to urge the inclusion of language recommending increased spending on the national freight rail system. A lobbyist for Verizon oversaw a debate on a section that advocated increased federal grants to expand broadband Internet service.
And Larry Duncan, a Lockheed Martin lobbyist, served on a caucus institute panel that recommended that the United States form closer ties with Liberia, even as his company was negotiating a huge airport contract there.
The companies say their service to the caucus is philanthropic.
“Our charitable donations are charitable donations,” said David Sylvia, a spokesman for Altria, which has given caucus charities as much as $1.3 million since 2004, the Times analysis shows, including a donation to a capital fund used to pay off the mortgage of the caucus headquarters.
Elsie L. Scott, chief executive of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, acknowledged that the companies want to influence members. In fact, the fund-raising brochures make clear that the bigger the donation, the greater the access, like a private reception that includes members of Congress for those who give more than $100,000.
“They are trying to get the attention of the C.B.C. members,” Ms. Scott said. “And I don’t think there is anything wrong with that. They’re in business, and they want to deal with people who have influence and power.”
She also acknowledged that if her charity did not have “Congressional Black Caucus” in its name, it would gather far less money. “If it were just the Institute for the Advancement of Black People — you already have the N.A.A.C.P.,” she said.
Ms. Scott said she, too, had heard criticism that the caucus foundation takes too much from companies seen as hurting blacks . But she said she was still willing to take their money.
“Black people gamble. Black people smoke. Black people drink,” she said in an interview. “And so if these companies want to take some of the money they’ve earned off of our people and give it to us to support good causes, then we take it.”
Big Parties, Big Money
The biggest caucus event of the year is held each September in Washington.
The 2009 event began with a rooftop party at the new W Hotel, with the names of the biggest sponsors, the pharmaceutical companies Amgen and Eli Lilly, beamed in giant letters onto the walls, next to the logo of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation. A separate dinner party and ceremony, sponsored by Disney at the National Museum of Women in the Arts, featured the jazz pianist Marcus Johnson.
The next night, AT&T sponsored a dinner reception at the Willard InterContinental Washington, honoring Representative Bobby L. Rush, Democrat of Illinois and chairman of the House subcommittee that oversees consumer protection issues.
Growing Influence
The caucus started out 40 years ago as a political club of a handful of black members of Congress. Now it is at the apex of its power: President Obama is a former member, though he was never very active.
Its members, all Democrats, include the third-ranking House member, Representative James E. Clyburn of South Carolina; 4 House committee chairmen; and 18 subcommittee leaders. Among those are Representative Charles E. Rangel, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and Representative John Conyers Jr., chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
There are hundreds of caucuses in Congress, representing groups as disparate as Hispanic lawmakers and those with an interest in Scotland. And other members of Congress have nonprofit organizations.
But the Congressional Black Caucus stands alone for its money-raising prowess. As it has gained power, its nonprofit groups — one an outright charity, the other a sort of research group — have seen a surge in contributions, nearly doubling from 2001 to 2008.
Besides the caucus charities, many members — including Mr. Clyburn and Representative William Lacy Clay Jr. of Missouri — also have personal or family charities, which often solicit donations from companies that give to the caucus. And spouses have their own group that sponsors a golf and tennis fund-raiser.
The board of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation includes executives and lobbyists from Boeing, Wal-Mart, Dell, Citigroup, Coca-Cola, Verizon, Heineken, Anheuser-Busch and the drug makers Amgen and GlaxoSmithKline. All are hefty donors to the caucus.
Some of the biggest donors also have seats on the second caucus nonprofit organization — one that can help their businesses. This group, the Congressional Black Caucus Political Education and Leadership Institute, drafts positions on issues before Congress, including health care and climate change.
This means, for example, that the lobbyists and executives from coal, nuclear and power giants like Peabody Energy and Entergy helped draft a report in the caucus’s name that includes their positions on controversial issues. One policy document issued by the Black Caucus Institute last year asserted that the financial impact of climate change legislation should be weighed before it is passed, a major industry stand.
Officials from the Association of American Railroads, another major donor, used their board positions to urge the inclusion of language recommending increased spending on the national freight rail system. A lobbyist for Verizon oversaw a debate on a section that advocated increased federal grants to expand broadband Internet service.
And Larry Duncan, a Lockheed Martin lobbyist, served on a caucus institute panel that recommended that the United States form closer ties with Liberia, even as his company was negotiating a huge airport contract there.
The companies say their service to the caucus is philanthropic.
“Our charitable donations are charitable donations,” said David Sylvia, a spokesman for Altria, which has given caucus charities as much as $1.3 million since 2004, the Times analysis shows, including a donation to a capital fund used to pay off the mortgage of the caucus headquarters.
Elsie L. Scott, chief executive of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, acknowledged that the companies want to influence members. In fact, the fund-raising brochures make clear that the bigger the donation, the greater the access, like a private reception that includes members of Congress for those who give more than $100,000.
“They are trying to get the attention of the C.B.C. members,” Ms. Scott said. “And I don’t think there is anything wrong with that. They’re in business, and they want to deal with people who have influence and power.”
She also acknowledged that if her charity did not have “Congressional Black Caucus” in its name, it would gather far less money. “If it were just the Institute for the Advancement of Black People — you already have the N.A.A.C.P.,” she said.
Ms. Scott said she, too, had heard criticism that the caucus foundation takes too much from companies seen as hurting blacks . But she said she was still willing to take their money.
“Black people gamble. Black people smoke. Black people drink,” she said in an interview. “And so if these companies want to take some of the money they’ve earned off of our people and give it to us to support good causes, then we take it.”
Big Parties, Big Money
The biggest caucus event of the year is held each September in Washington.
The 2009 event began with a rooftop party at the new W Hotel, with the names of the biggest sponsors, the pharmaceutical companies Amgen and Eli Lilly, beamed in giant letters onto the walls, next to the logo of the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation. A separate dinner party and ceremony, sponsored by Disney at the National Museum of Women in the Arts, featured the jazz pianist Marcus Johnson.
The next night, AT&T sponsored a dinner reception at the Willard InterContinental Washington, honoring Representative Bobby L. Rush, Democrat of Illinois and chairman of the House subcommittee that oversees consumer protection issues.
WTF??? The Congressional Black Caucus Spent MORE MONEY ON Catering EVENTS . . . Than They Did On Helping BLACK PEOPLE!!!
When the Congressional Black Caucus wanted to pay off the mortgage on its foundation’s stately 1930s redbrick headquarters on Embassy Row, it turned to a familiar roster of friends: corporate backers like Wal-Mart, AT&T, General Motors, Coca-Cola and Altria, the nation’s largest tobacco company.
Congressional Black Caucus members at a gospel event at the September 2007 conference.
Caucus members accepting a donation to the foundation from Eli Lilly, the pharmaceutical giant and a major contributor.
Soon enough, in 2008, a jazz band was playing at what amounted to a mortgage-burning party for the $4 million town house.
Most political groups in Washington would have been barred by law from accepting that kind of direct aid from corporations. But by taking advantage of political finance laws, the caucus has built a fund-raising juggernaut unlike anything else in town.
It has a traditional political fund-raising arm subject to federal rules. But it also has a network of nonprofit groups and charities that allow it to collect unlimited amounts of money from corporations and labor unions.
From 2004 to 2008, the Congressional Black Caucus’s political and charitable wings took in at least $55 million in corporate and union contributions, according to an analysis by The New York Times, an impressive amount even by the standards of a Washington awash in cash. Only $1 million of that went to the caucus’s political action committee; the rest poured into the largely unregulated nonprofit network. (Data for 2009 is not available.)
The caucus says its nonprofit groups are intended to help disadvantaged African-Americans by providing scholarships and internships to students, researching policy and holding seminars on topics like healthy living.
But the bulk of the money has been spent on elaborate conventions that have become a high point of the Washington social season, as well as the headquarters building, golf outings by members of Congress and an annual visit to a Mississippi casino resort.
In 2008, the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation spent more on the caterer for its signature legislative dinner and conference — nearly $700,000 for an event one organizer called “Hollywood on the Potomac” — than it gave out in scholarships, federal tax records show.
At the galas, lobbyists and executives who give to caucus charities get to mingle with lawmakers. They also get seats on committees the caucus has set up to help members of Congress decide what positions to take on the issues of the day. Indeed, the nonprofit groups and the political wing are so deeply connected it is sometimes hard to tell where one ends and the other begins.
Even as it has used its status as a civil rights organization to become a fund-raising power in Washington, the caucus has had to fend off criticism of ties to companies whose business is seen by some as detrimental to its black constituents.
These include cigarette companies, Internet poker operators, beer brewers and the rent-to-own industry, which has become a particular focus of consumer advocates for its practice of charging high monthly fees for appliances, televisions and computers.
Caucus leaders said the giving had not influenced them.
“We’re unbossed and unbought,” said Representative Barbara Lee, Democrat of California and chairwoman of the caucus. “Historically, we’ve been known as the conscience of the Congress, and we’re the ones bringing up issues that often go unnoticed or just aren’t on the table.”
But many campaign finance experts question the unusual structure.
“The claim that this is a truly philanthropic motive is bogus — it’s beyond credulity,” said Meredith McGehee, policy director at the Campaign Legal Center in Washington, a nonpartisan group that monitors campaign finance and ethics issues. “Members of Congress should not be allowed to have these links. They provide another pocket, and a very deep pocket, for special-interest money that is intended to benefit and influence officeholders.”
Not all caucus members support the donors’ goals, and some issues, like a debate last year over whether to ban menthol cigarettes, have produced divisions.
But caucus members have attracted increasing scrutiny from ethics investigators. All eight open House investigations involve caucus members, and most center on accusations of improper ties to private businesses.
And an examination by The Times shows what can happen when companies offer financial support to caucus members.
Congressional Black Caucus members at a gospel event at the September 2007 conference.
Caucus members accepting a donation to the foundation from Eli Lilly, the pharmaceutical giant and a major contributor.
Soon enough, in 2008, a jazz band was playing at what amounted to a mortgage-burning party for the $4 million town house.
Most political groups in Washington would have been barred by law from accepting that kind of direct aid from corporations. But by taking advantage of political finance laws, the caucus has built a fund-raising juggernaut unlike anything else in town.
It has a traditional political fund-raising arm subject to federal rules. But it also has a network of nonprofit groups and charities that allow it to collect unlimited amounts of money from corporations and labor unions.
From 2004 to 2008, the Congressional Black Caucus’s political and charitable wings took in at least $55 million in corporate and union contributions, according to an analysis by The New York Times, an impressive amount even by the standards of a Washington awash in cash. Only $1 million of that went to the caucus’s political action committee; the rest poured into the largely unregulated nonprofit network. (Data for 2009 is not available.)
The caucus says its nonprofit groups are intended to help disadvantaged African-Americans by providing scholarships and internships to students, researching policy and holding seminars on topics like healthy living.
But the bulk of the money has been spent on elaborate conventions that have become a high point of the Washington social season, as well as the headquarters building, golf outings by members of Congress and an annual visit to a Mississippi casino resort.
In 2008, the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation spent more on the caterer for its signature legislative dinner and conference — nearly $700,000 for an event one organizer called “Hollywood on the Potomac” — than it gave out in scholarships, federal tax records show.
At the galas, lobbyists and executives who give to caucus charities get to mingle with lawmakers. They also get seats on committees the caucus has set up to help members of Congress decide what positions to take on the issues of the day. Indeed, the nonprofit groups and the political wing are so deeply connected it is sometimes hard to tell where one ends and the other begins.
Even as it has used its status as a civil rights organization to become a fund-raising power in Washington, the caucus has had to fend off criticism of ties to companies whose business is seen by some as detrimental to its black constituents.
These include cigarette companies, Internet poker operators, beer brewers and the rent-to-own industry, which has become a particular focus of consumer advocates for its practice of charging high monthly fees for appliances, televisions and computers.
Caucus leaders said the giving had not influenced them.
“We’re unbossed and unbought,” said Representative Barbara Lee, Democrat of California and chairwoman of the caucus. “Historically, we’ve been known as the conscience of the Congress, and we’re the ones bringing up issues that often go unnoticed or just aren’t on the table.”
But many campaign finance experts question the unusual structure.
“The claim that this is a truly philanthropic motive is bogus — it’s beyond credulity,” said Meredith McGehee, policy director at the Campaign Legal Center in Washington, a nonpartisan group that monitors campaign finance and ethics issues. “Members of Congress should not be allowed to have these links. They provide another pocket, and a very deep pocket, for special-interest money that is intended to benefit and influence officeholders.”
Not all caucus members support the donors’ goals, and some issues, like a debate last year over whether to ban menthol cigarettes, have produced divisions.
But caucus members have attracted increasing scrutiny from ethics investigators. All eight open House investigations involve caucus members, and most center on accusations of improper ties to private businesses.
And an examination by The Times shows what can happen when companies offer financial support to caucus members.
African-American cancer deaths decrease, but remain highest in U.S!!!!
Even though African American cancer death rates are dropping, the gap between blacks and whites is substantial and African Americans tend to be diagnosed at a later stage of the disease, according to findings in the American Cancer Society's Cancer Facts & Figures for African Americans 2009-2010.
"African Americans have the highest death rate of any racial and ethnic group in the U.S., and have lower survival rates at each stage," said Donna Rankin, ACS's regional director of health initiatives. "The causes of these disparities are complex and likely reflect social and economic disparities, not biologic differences associated with race. African Americans face inequalities in income, education, and standard of living, as well as barriers to accessing high-quality health care. And while it is discouraging that these differences still exist, we absolutely must face them and continue to enact policies to address them to save lives and reduce suffering from cancer among African Americans."
In 2009 among African Americans, there were about 150,090 new cases of invasive cancer diagnosed and about 63,360 cancer deaths. The most commonly diagnosed cancers among African American men were prostate, lung, and colon. Among African American women, the most common cancers were breast, lung, and colon. Lung cancer tops the list of cancer related deaths for both African American men and women.
Spreading the word about cancer prevention, early detection and treatment options is the key to lowering overall cancer rates. Locally, the Society is working hard to raise cancer awareness and emphasize the importance of regular cancer screenings through grassroots initiatives run out of its South Dallas Outreach Center. Located in the MLK Jr. Community Center at 2922 MLK Jr. Blvd., Ste. 129., the office has been a staple in the community for 13 years.
"There will always be differences in the cancer experience among diverse ethnic groups, but there should not be differences in access to care," said Rankin. "The American Cancer Society is working hard to insure that everyone has the same access to health information, and prevention and treatment services."
In 2006, the Society launched an ambitious effort to address inequities in cancer prevention services, access to care, incidence, and mortality. Since 1999, the Society has funded 106 studies totaling $87 million devoted to the poor and medically underserved. Forty-two percent of this research focuses on the African American population. The Society's internal research departments focuses substantial resources on disparities research, and the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network, the Society's advocacy affiliate, helps to create, change, and influence public policies that can have a significant impact on reducing cancer disparities in this country.
For more cancer information, call 1-800-227-2345 or visit cancer.org.
"African Americans have the highest death rate of any racial and ethnic group in the U.S., and have lower survival rates at each stage," said Donna Rankin, ACS's regional director of health initiatives. "The causes of these disparities are complex and likely reflect social and economic disparities, not biologic differences associated with race. African Americans face inequalities in income, education, and standard of living, as well as barriers to accessing high-quality health care. And while it is discouraging that these differences still exist, we absolutely must face them and continue to enact policies to address them to save lives and reduce suffering from cancer among African Americans."
In 2009 among African Americans, there were about 150,090 new cases of invasive cancer diagnosed and about 63,360 cancer deaths. The most commonly diagnosed cancers among African American men were prostate, lung, and colon. Among African American women, the most common cancers were breast, lung, and colon. Lung cancer tops the list of cancer related deaths for both African American men and women.
Spreading the word about cancer prevention, early detection and treatment options is the key to lowering overall cancer rates. Locally, the Society is working hard to raise cancer awareness and emphasize the importance of regular cancer screenings through grassroots initiatives run out of its South Dallas Outreach Center. Located in the MLK Jr. Community Center at 2922 MLK Jr. Blvd., Ste. 129., the office has been a staple in the community for 13 years.
"There will always be differences in the cancer experience among diverse ethnic groups, but there should not be differences in access to care," said Rankin. "The American Cancer Society is working hard to insure that everyone has the same access to health information, and prevention and treatment services."
In 2006, the Society launched an ambitious effort to address inequities in cancer prevention services, access to care, incidence, and mortality. Since 1999, the Society has funded 106 studies totaling $87 million devoted to the poor and medically underserved. Forty-two percent of this research focuses on the African American population. The Society's internal research departments focuses substantial resources on disparities research, and the American Cancer Society Cancer Action Network, the Society's advocacy affiliate, helps to create, change, and influence public policies that can have a significant impact on reducing cancer disparities in this country.
For more cancer information, call 1-800-227-2345 or visit cancer.org.
NEW STUDY: Black People Who Live In COLD CLIMATES Should Take VITAMIN D . . . To Prevent CANCER And DIABETES!!!
Immigrants who come to Canada from sunnier parts of the world are at risk of health problems caused by a lack of vitamin D unless they take supplements, doctors and nutritionists warn.
"This is a really great example of how … immigration to Canada could be dangerous or bad for your health," said Dr. Kevin Pottie, who teaches family medicine at the University of Ottawa.
Pottie said when he tests his immigrant and refugee patients, almost all of them show inadequate levels of vitamin D, especially in winter.
'These groups of people, unfortunately … they may be the last ones to get the information.'— Dr. Kevin Pottie
Vitamin D is needed to maintain healthy bones. A deficiency may lead to osteoporosis in adults, making them susceptible to breaking bones. Children with a deficiency can develop rickets, a disease in which bones grow soft, leading to skeletal deformities. Some studies also suggest that a lack of vitamin D could be linked to diabetes, multiple sclerosis, cancer and some forms of mental illness.
People can get some of their vitamin D by consuming food such as milk and fatty fish. But humans' own bodies can produce far larger amounts if their skin is exposed to the ultraviolet B rays of the sun, said Reinhold Vieth, a University of Toronto researcher who studies vitamin D. The ability to produce vitamin D varies with the colour of a person's skin.
Ahmed Mohamoud, who is from Somalia and now lives in Ottawa, has been diagnosed with vitamin D deficiency.Ahmed Mohamoud, who is from Somalia and now lives in Ottawa, has been diagnosed with vitamin D deficiency. (CBC)"A white person like me, if I lie on my lawn chair for 10 minutes on [my] front, 10 minutes on the back, I'm going to be putting into my body 100 glasses of milk worth of vitamin D," Vieth said.
People whose ancestors come from sunny places such as Pakistan or Somalia often have darker skin to protect them from sunburn and other sun damage.
"But as you move north, that skin colour makes it harder and harder for you to make vitamin D," Vieth said. "Basically, what we're doing is transplanting people from an area for which their skin is optimized in terms of its colour to an area where their skin is often too dark to be healthy."
Diet and clothing
Skin colour isn't the only factor that puts immigrants at risk; diet and culture also play a role.
Vieth co-authored a study of healthy University of Toronto students that found those of South Asian descent were almost six times more likely to have a vitamin D deficiency than those of European descent. Students of European descent got an average of 231 international units (IU) of vitamin D daily from food and supplements — 73 per cent more than the East Asian students and 40 per cent more than the South Asian students, said the study published in 2008 in the journal BioMed Central Public Health.
A Norwegian study published in 2009 found that 57 per cent of 119 immigrant mothers from Pakistan, Somalia, and Turkey had a vitamin D deficiency, as did nearly half their babies.
Reinhold Vieth said the human body can make vitamin D if the sun is high enough in the sky: 'If your shadow is longer than your height, it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day.'Reinhold Vieth said the human body can make vitamin D if the sun is high enough in the sky: 'If your shadow is longer than your height, it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day.' (CBC)One reason is that immigrants from those countries eat very little food that contains vitamin D, said Dr. Ahmed Madar, a University of Oslo researcher who co-authored the study published in the British Journal of Nutrition.
In addition, most of the women in his study wore traditional clothing. About half of them covered their whole body, including their legs, hands and face while outside their homes.
"These people usually … when there is sunshine, they don't go out and expose their skin to the sunlight," Madar said.
Abdirizak Karod, director of the Somali Centre for Family Services in Ottawa, said immigrants from Somalia are used to a climate that has 12 months of warmth and sunshine.
"People go every day outside for at least a couple of hours," Karod said.
Once they move to Canada, they are reluctant to brave harsh, snowy weather during the winter months.
Ahmed Mohamoud, who is originally from Somalia, now lives in Ottawa and was recently diagnosed with low blood levels of vitamin D. He also has arthritis and bone density problems. But he did not seem ready to spend more time outside.
"It's too cold," he said. "I like to walk only inside the malls."
In fact, in much of Canada, it's difficult for anyone to make enough vitamin D through exposure to sunlight in the winter, when days are short and the sun is low in the sky, Vieth said.
"If your shadow is longer than your height," he added, "it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day."
Supplement solution
Despite all the factors that put some immigrant groups at risk of vitamin D deficiency, many Canadian doctors don't take their unique needs into account, said Pottie, who is co-director of the immigrant health program at the Elisabeth Bruyère Research Institute in Ottawa.
Dr. Kevin Pottie recommends that all people over 50 take vitamin D and that younger people take the supplement if they have darker skin or don't spend much time outside.Dr. Kevin Pottie recommends that all people over 50 take vitamin D and that younger people take the supplement if they have darker skin or don't spend much time outside. (Andrew Vaughan/Canadian Press)Language is one significant barrier to keeping immigrants informed about the importance of vitamin D.
"These groups of people, unfortunately … they may be the last ones to get the information," Pottie said.
He recommended that everyone over 50 take a vitamin D supplement — "particularly people with darker skin who are not getting sun exposure."
Younger people with darker skin or those who don't spend much time in the sun should also take 1,000 IU every day all year long, as the Canadian Cancer Society recommends, Pottie said.
For the average Canadian, Health Canada lists 400 IU per day as an adequate intake for people 51 to 70 and 600 IU per day as an adequate intake for those over 70.
Mohamoud has been taking 1,000 IU of vitamin D a day for about a month and a half and found he is sleeping much better than he did before, although he's not sure whether that's because of the vitamin supplements. Recently, following a blood test, his doctor told him to double his daily dose. He said he is going to talk to his doctor about whether his family should also take the supplements.
'It's [a] really easy-to-treat ... health inequity.'— Dr. Kevin Pottie
Vieth said when deciding whether to take supplements, people should think about the risks and benefits. In the case of vitamin D, he said, "I see no risk, no downside, there's only a potential benefit."
However, Health Canada warns against taking more than 2,000 IU a day, as an overdose can cause kidney stones and damage the heart, lungs and blood vessels.
Pottie said vitamin D deficiency among immigrant groups highlights a very preventable kind of injustice based on skin colour within the medical system.
"It's [a] really easy-to-treat or easy-to-correct health inequity, something we can actually do something about," he added. "It's really important that people start to talk about this within different communities."
Vitamin D levels among different ethnic groups
Reinhold Vieth co-authored a study of 107 healthy University of Toronto students in the wintertime that found more than a third of those of South Asian descent had a vitamin D deficiency — that is, a level so low (less than 25 nanomoles per litre) that it is associated with problems absorbing calcium, severe parathyroid problems and other health issues. About 26.9 per cent of students of East Asian descent and only 6.2 per cent of students of European descent had a similar deficiency.
The study, published in the journal BioMed Central Public Health in 2008, found many of the other students had vitamin D insufficiency. That means their levels of vitamin D were between 25 and 75 nanomoles per litre — not low enough to be associated with serious diseases like rickets but low enough to result in negative health effects. There weren't enough students of African descent in the study to get statistically significant results.
"This is a really great example of how … immigration to Canada could be dangerous or bad for your health," said Dr. Kevin Pottie, who teaches family medicine at the University of Ottawa.
Pottie said when he tests his immigrant and refugee patients, almost all of them show inadequate levels of vitamin D, especially in winter.
'These groups of people, unfortunately … they may be the last ones to get the information.'— Dr. Kevin Pottie
Vitamin D is needed to maintain healthy bones. A deficiency may lead to osteoporosis in adults, making them susceptible to breaking bones. Children with a deficiency can develop rickets, a disease in which bones grow soft, leading to skeletal deformities. Some studies also suggest that a lack of vitamin D could be linked to diabetes, multiple sclerosis, cancer and some forms of mental illness.
People can get some of their vitamin D by consuming food such as milk and fatty fish. But humans' own bodies can produce far larger amounts if their skin is exposed to the ultraviolet B rays of the sun, said Reinhold Vieth, a University of Toronto researcher who studies vitamin D. The ability to produce vitamin D varies with the colour of a person's skin.
Ahmed Mohamoud, who is from Somalia and now lives in Ottawa, has been diagnosed with vitamin D deficiency.Ahmed Mohamoud, who is from Somalia and now lives in Ottawa, has been diagnosed with vitamin D deficiency. (CBC)"A white person like me, if I lie on my lawn chair for 10 minutes on [my] front, 10 minutes on the back, I'm going to be putting into my body 100 glasses of milk worth of vitamin D," Vieth said.
People whose ancestors come from sunny places such as Pakistan or Somalia often have darker skin to protect them from sunburn and other sun damage.
"But as you move north, that skin colour makes it harder and harder for you to make vitamin D," Vieth said. "Basically, what we're doing is transplanting people from an area for which their skin is optimized in terms of its colour to an area where their skin is often too dark to be healthy."
Diet and clothing
Skin colour isn't the only factor that puts immigrants at risk; diet and culture also play a role.
Vieth co-authored a study of healthy University of Toronto students that found those of South Asian descent were almost six times more likely to have a vitamin D deficiency than those of European descent. Students of European descent got an average of 231 international units (IU) of vitamin D daily from food and supplements — 73 per cent more than the East Asian students and 40 per cent more than the South Asian students, said the study published in 2008 in the journal BioMed Central Public Health.
A Norwegian study published in 2009 found that 57 per cent of 119 immigrant mothers from Pakistan, Somalia, and Turkey had a vitamin D deficiency, as did nearly half their babies.
Reinhold Vieth said the human body can make vitamin D if the sun is high enough in the sky: 'If your shadow is longer than your height, it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day.'Reinhold Vieth said the human body can make vitamin D if the sun is high enough in the sky: 'If your shadow is longer than your height, it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day.' (CBC)One reason is that immigrants from those countries eat very little food that contains vitamin D, said Dr. Ahmed Madar, a University of Oslo researcher who co-authored the study published in the British Journal of Nutrition.
In addition, most of the women in his study wore traditional clothing. About half of them covered their whole body, including their legs, hands and face while outside their homes.
"These people usually … when there is sunshine, they don't go out and expose their skin to the sunlight," Madar said.
Abdirizak Karod, director of the Somali Centre for Family Services in Ottawa, said immigrants from Somalia are used to a climate that has 12 months of warmth and sunshine.
"People go every day outside for at least a couple of hours," Karod said.
Once they move to Canada, they are reluctant to brave harsh, snowy weather during the winter months.
Ahmed Mohamoud, who is originally from Somalia, now lives in Ottawa and was recently diagnosed with low blood levels of vitamin D. He also has arthritis and bone density problems. But he did not seem ready to spend more time outside.
"It's too cold," he said. "I like to walk only inside the malls."
In fact, in much of Canada, it's difficult for anyone to make enough vitamin D through exposure to sunlight in the winter, when days are short and the sun is low in the sky, Vieth said.
"If your shadow is longer than your height," he added, "it's not even worth being outside naked on a sunny day."
Supplement solution
Despite all the factors that put some immigrant groups at risk of vitamin D deficiency, many Canadian doctors don't take their unique needs into account, said Pottie, who is co-director of the immigrant health program at the Elisabeth Bruyère Research Institute in Ottawa.
Dr. Kevin Pottie recommends that all people over 50 take vitamin D and that younger people take the supplement if they have darker skin or don't spend much time outside.Dr. Kevin Pottie recommends that all people over 50 take vitamin D and that younger people take the supplement if they have darker skin or don't spend much time outside. (Andrew Vaughan/Canadian Press)Language is one significant barrier to keeping immigrants informed about the importance of vitamin D.
"These groups of people, unfortunately … they may be the last ones to get the information," Pottie said.
He recommended that everyone over 50 take a vitamin D supplement — "particularly people with darker skin who are not getting sun exposure."
Younger people with darker skin or those who don't spend much time in the sun should also take 1,000 IU every day all year long, as the Canadian Cancer Society recommends, Pottie said.
For the average Canadian, Health Canada lists 400 IU per day as an adequate intake for people 51 to 70 and 600 IU per day as an adequate intake for those over 70.
Mohamoud has been taking 1,000 IU of vitamin D a day for about a month and a half and found he is sleeping much better than he did before, although he's not sure whether that's because of the vitamin supplements. Recently, following a blood test, his doctor told him to double his daily dose. He said he is going to talk to his doctor about whether his family should also take the supplements.
'It's [a] really easy-to-treat ... health inequity.'— Dr. Kevin Pottie
Vieth said when deciding whether to take supplements, people should think about the risks and benefits. In the case of vitamin D, he said, "I see no risk, no downside, there's only a potential benefit."
However, Health Canada warns against taking more than 2,000 IU a day, as an overdose can cause kidney stones and damage the heart, lungs and blood vessels.
Pottie said vitamin D deficiency among immigrant groups highlights a very preventable kind of injustice based on skin colour within the medical system.
"It's [a] really easy-to-treat or easy-to-correct health inequity, something we can actually do something about," he added. "It's really important that people start to talk about this within different communities."
Vitamin D levels among different ethnic groups
Reinhold Vieth co-authored a study of 107 healthy University of Toronto students in the wintertime that found more than a third of those of South Asian descent had a vitamin D deficiency — that is, a level so low (less than 25 nanomoles per litre) that it is associated with problems absorbing calcium, severe parathyroid problems and other health issues. About 26.9 per cent of students of East Asian descent and only 6.2 per cent of students of European descent had a similar deficiency.
The study, published in the journal BioMed Central Public Health in 2008, found many of the other students had vitamin D insufficiency. That means their levels of vitamin D were between 25 and 75 nanomoles per litre — not low enough to be associated with serious diseases like rickets but low enough to result in negative health effects. There weren't enough students of African descent in the study to get statistically significant results.
Anti-retroviral drugs could halt AIDS spread in five years!!!!
Addressing the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS) in San Diego, one of the leading HIV researchers Dr Brian Williams, of the South African Centre for Epidemiological Modelling and Analysis in Stellenbosch, said that anti-retroviral (ARV) treatments might prevent the spread of AIDS in South Africa in the next five-year period.
Elaborating that the ARVs reduce the amount of virus that the sufferers of the disease have in their body fluids, Williams said that the treatment had already brought about a notable transformation in the care AIDS patients.
Further adding that ARV drugs are already being administered to babies born to HIV-infected women, immediately after birth and during breast-feeding, to minimize the chances of infection, Williams said: “We should be looking at using the drugs to reduce transmission.”
Noting that the scale of AIDS in South Africa was “enormous,” Williams said that by providing HIV positive patients with ARV drugs can help stall the spread of the disease at an annual cost of nearly $2-3 billion.
With Williams specifying that some clinical trials pertaining to ARV drugs were being initiated in North America and in Africa, Kenneth Mayer, professor of medicine at Rhode Island’s Brown University, corroborated the fact that early ARV treatment of AIDS patients was a matter of “public health.”
Elaborating that the ARVs reduce the amount of virus that the sufferers of the disease have in their body fluids, Williams said that the treatment had already brought about a notable transformation in the care AIDS patients.
Further adding that ARV drugs are already being administered to babies born to HIV-infected women, immediately after birth and during breast-feeding, to minimize the chances of infection, Williams said: “We should be looking at using the drugs to reduce transmission.”
Noting that the scale of AIDS in South Africa was “enormous,” Williams said that by providing HIV positive patients with ARV drugs can help stall the spread of the disease at an annual cost of nearly $2-3 billion.
With Williams specifying that some clinical trials pertaining to ARV drugs were being initiated in North America and in Africa, Kenneth Mayer, professor of medicine at Rhode Island’s Brown University, corroborated the fact that early ARV treatment of AIDS patients was a matter of “public health.”
Genetic Mutation Linked to Prostate Cancer in Blacks!!!!
Researchers have identified a mutation in a small number of black American men with a family history of prostate cancer.
This germline mutation of the androgen receptor (AR) may prove to be a genetic biomarker for familial prostate cancer in the black American male population, according to the team at Louisiana State University in New Orleans.
Black American men have a higher incidence of prostate cancer than any other racial group. The small amount of research that's been done on the role that AR mutations play in prostate cancer has been limited to white men.
This study found a germline AR-A1675T substitution mutation in the DNA-binding domain in three black American men with a family history of early-onset prostate cancer. This mutation may contribute to prostate cancer by "altering the AR DNA-binding affinity and its response to androgens, non-androgenic steroids or anti-androgens," according to a news release about the study.
The study was published online this week in the Asian Journal of Andrology.
Further research is needed to learn more about the role this mutation plays in prostate cancer in black Americans, the researchers said.
This germline mutation of the androgen receptor (AR) may prove to be a genetic biomarker for familial prostate cancer in the black American male population, according to the team at Louisiana State University in New Orleans.
Black American men have a higher incidence of prostate cancer than any other racial group. The small amount of research that's been done on the role that AR mutations play in prostate cancer has been limited to white men.
This study found a germline AR-A1675T substitution mutation in the DNA-binding domain in three black American men with a family history of early-onset prostate cancer. This mutation may contribute to prostate cancer by "altering the AR DNA-binding affinity and its response to androgens, non-androgenic steroids or anti-androgens," according to a news release about the study.
The study was published online this week in the Asian Journal of Andrology.
Further research is needed to learn more about the role this mutation plays in prostate cancer in black Americans, the researchers said.
Recession ‘devastating’ to African-Americans 45 and older!!!!
The recession has had a "devastating impact" on African-Americans age 45 and up, according to a new survey by AARP.
The survey, which is part of AARP's continued look at how African-Americans age 45 and older are faring in this economy, found that over the last year:
•33 percent of African-Americans age 45 and older said they've had problems paying rent or mortgage.
•44 percent had problems paying for essential items, such as food and utilities.
•18 percent lost a job, nearly twice the rate of the general population.
•23 percent lost their employer-sponsored health care.
•34 percent stopped putting money into a 401(k), IRA or other retirement account.
•26 percent withdrew funds from their retirement nest eggs early to pay for living expenses, including mortgage or rent, health care, education expenses and for other reasons.
•31 percent have cut back on their medications.
•28 percent have carried a higher balance on their credit cards during the past 12 months.
African-Americans, like many others hurt by the tough times, have taken steps to lessen the economic sting, the survey noted.
Half of those surveyed postponed plans to travel, and two-thirds cut entertainment expenses. Even in the tough job market, 12 percent of those age 65 and up returned to the work force from retirement.
The survey, which is part of AARP's continued look at how African-Americans age 45 and older are faring in this economy, found that over the last year:
•33 percent of African-Americans age 45 and older said they've had problems paying rent or mortgage.
•44 percent had problems paying for essential items, such as food and utilities.
•18 percent lost a job, nearly twice the rate of the general population.
•23 percent lost their employer-sponsored health care.
•34 percent stopped putting money into a 401(k), IRA or other retirement account.
•26 percent withdrew funds from their retirement nest eggs early to pay for living expenses, including mortgage or rent, health care, education expenses and for other reasons.
•31 percent have cut back on their medications.
•28 percent have carried a higher balance on their credit cards during the past 12 months.
African-Americans, like many others hurt by the tough times, have taken steps to lessen the economic sting, the survey noted.
Half of those surveyed postponed plans to travel, and two-thirds cut entertainment expenses. Even in the tough job market, 12 percent of those age 65 and up returned to the work force from retirement.
Alcohol use lower among blacks!!!!
African Americans have lower drinking rates than other racial groups, according to a new survey from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. It found that blacks ages 18 and older use alcohol at a rate of 44.3% compared with the national average of 55.2%
Moreover, blacks ages 18 to 25 are much less likely than other young adults to engage in binge drinking -- 25.3% compared with 41.6% in the general population.
The survey is part of a series conducted by SAMHSA to learn how to target alcohol and drug abuse treatment and prevention efforts to various age, gender and ethnic groups. The survey also found that the rate of illegal drug use among black adults is higher than the national average -- 9.5% compared with 7.9%. And among black males ages 26 to 49, illegal drug use is 14.7% compared with 11.2% in the general population for that age group. Binge drinking is also much higher in pregnant black women than among pregnant women in other age groups.
The report is available at the SAMHSA website.
Moreover, blacks ages 18 to 25 are much less likely than other young adults to engage in binge drinking -- 25.3% compared with 41.6% in the general population.
The survey is part of a series conducted by SAMHSA to learn how to target alcohol and drug abuse treatment and prevention efforts to various age, gender and ethnic groups. The survey also found that the rate of illegal drug use among black adults is higher than the national average -- 9.5% compared with 7.9%. And among black males ages 26 to 49, illegal drug use is 14.7% compared with 11.2% in the general population for that age group. Binge drinking is also much higher in pregnant black women than among pregnant women in other age groups.
The report is available at the SAMHSA website.
HIV Still Plagues the U.S.: Some Areas Have Higher Rates Than Africa????
In December, NEWSWEEK argued that new signs of life were showing in the AIDS activism movement. Let's hope so. Recent research published in The New England Journal of Medicine shows that within certain populations in America, the prevalence of HIV-infected people is higher than in certain parts of Africa:
More than 1 in 30 adults in Washington, D.C., are HIV-infected—a prevalence higher than that reported in Ethiopia, Nigeria, or Rwanda. Certain U.S. subpopulations are particularly hard hit. In New York City, 1 in 40 blacks, 1 in 10 men who have sex with men, and 1 in 8 injection-drug users are HIV-infected, as are 1 in 16 black men in Washington, D.C. In several U.S. urban areas, the HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men is as high as 30%—as compared with a general-population prevalence of 7.8% in Kenya and 16.9% in South Africa.
What’s interesting is that the research shows that a person’s sexual network, more than just his or her lifestyle choices, defines the risk of getting HIV in America. So, black and Hispanic women are at increased risk due to the instability of their sexual relationships —which is attributed to the high rate of incarceration of men in their networks—and their vulnerable or dependent economic situation, which may cause them to be fearful of suggesting safer-sex options to their companions. And black men who have sex with men are at high risk because of the likelihood of their choosing to engage in sexual activity with someone who is racially similar, and because of the prevalence of HIV within their sexual networks.
In December, NEWSWEEK argued that new signs of life were showing in the AIDS activism movement. Let's hope so. Recent research published in The New England Journal of Medicine shows that within certain populations in America, the prevalence of HIV-infected people is higher than in certain parts of Africa:
More than 1 in 30 adults in Washington, D.C., are HIV-infected—a prevalence higher than that reported in Ethiopia, Nigeria, or Rwanda. Certain U.S. subpopulations are particularly hard hit. In New York City, 1 in 40 blacks, 1 in 10 men who have sex with men, and 1 in 8 injection-drug users are HIV-infected, as are 1 in 16 black men in Washington, D.C. In several U.S. urban areas, the HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men is as high as 30%—as compared with a general-population prevalence of 7.8% in Kenya and 16.9% in South Africa.
What’s interesting is that the research shows that a person’s sexual network, more than just his or her lifestyle choices, defines the risk of getting HIV in America. So, black and Hispanic women are at increased risk due to the instability of their sexual relationships —which is attributed to the high rate of incarceration of men in their networks—and their vulnerable or dependent economic situation, which may cause them to be fearful of suggesting safer-sex options to their companions. And black men who have sex with men are at high risk because of the likelihood of their choosing to engage in sexual activity with someone who is racially similar, and because of the prevalence of HIV within their sexual networks.
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America’s epidemic most strongly affects the urban regions of the Northeast and West Coast, and small towns and cities in the South. Part of this is because these local populations have unprotected sex within “relatively insular social-sexual networks.” Lower-income black Americans with poor education and unstable housing are disproportionally affected, and black or Hispanic women make up more than 25 percent of new HIV infections in the U.S.
More than 20 percent of the estimated 1 million HIV-positive Americans are unaware of their status. Additional behavioral studies, better communication, and preventive education need to be directed toward the identified at-risk communities. It’s time to admit that HIV is still a major threat to Americans.
More than 1 in 30 adults in Washington, D.C., are HIV-infected—a prevalence higher than that reported in Ethiopia, Nigeria, or Rwanda. Certain U.S. subpopulations are particularly hard hit. In New York City, 1 in 40 blacks, 1 in 10 men who have sex with men, and 1 in 8 injection-drug users are HIV-infected, as are 1 in 16 black men in Washington, D.C. In several U.S. urban areas, the HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men is as high as 30%—as compared with a general-population prevalence of 7.8% in Kenya and 16.9% in South Africa.
What’s interesting is that the research shows that a person’s sexual network, more than just his or her lifestyle choices, defines the risk of getting HIV in America. So, black and Hispanic women are at increased risk due to the instability of their sexual relationships —which is attributed to the high rate of incarceration of men in their networks—and their vulnerable or dependent economic situation, which may cause them to be fearful of suggesting safer-sex options to their companions. And black men who have sex with men are at high risk because of the likelihood of their choosing to engage in sexual activity with someone who is racially similar, and because of the prevalence of HIV within their sexual networks.
In December, NEWSWEEK argued that new signs of life were showing in the AIDS activism movement. Let's hope so. Recent research published in The New England Journal of Medicine shows that within certain populations in America, the prevalence of HIV-infected people is higher than in certain parts of Africa:
More than 1 in 30 adults in Washington, D.C., are HIV-infected—a prevalence higher than that reported in Ethiopia, Nigeria, or Rwanda. Certain U.S. subpopulations are particularly hard hit. In New York City, 1 in 40 blacks, 1 in 10 men who have sex with men, and 1 in 8 injection-drug users are HIV-infected, as are 1 in 16 black men in Washington, D.C. In several U.S. urban areas, the HIV prevalence among men who have sex with men is as high as 30%—as compared with a general-population prevalence of 7.8% in Kenya and 16.9% in South Africa.
What’s interesting is that the research shows that a person’s sexual network, more than just his or her lifestyle choices, defines the risk of getting HIV in America. So, black and Hispanic women are at increased risk due to the instability of their sexual relationships —which is attributed to the high rate of incarceration of men in their networks—and their vulnerable or dependent economic situation, which may cause them to be fearful of suggesting safer-sex options to their companions. And black men who have sex with men are at high risk because of the likelihood of their choosing to engage in sexual activity with someone who is racially similar, and because of the prevalence of HIV within their sexual networks.
Advertisement
America’s epidemic most strongly affects the urban regions of the Northeast and West Coast, and small towns and cities in the South. Part of this is because these local populations have unprotected sex within “relatively insular social-sexual networks.” Lower-income black Americans with poor education and unstable housing are disproportionally affected, and black or Hispanic women make up more than 25 percent of new HIV infections in the U.S.
More than 20 percent of the estimated 1 million HIV-positive Americans are unaware of their status. Additional behavioral studies, better communication, and preventive education need to be directed toward the identified at-risk communities. It’s time to admit that HIV is still a major threat to Americans.
Louisiana's incarceration rate is No. 1 in nation????
One out of every 55 Louisiana residents is behind bars, a higher incarceration rate than any other state, according to research released today by a Washington, D.C., nonprofit group.
One in 26 Louisiana adults is under correctional control, if probation and parole are included, the group found.
The Pew Center for the States study of 2007 U.S. Census data found that Louisiana's incarceration rate spiked by 272 percent since 1982. That rate of increase is far from the nation's highest of 357 percent in North Dakota, and not far from Mississippi's 256 percent increase. Neighbor states Texas and Arkansas have seen increases around 200 percent.
The Pew group argued that, particularly during a recession, rising costs of incarceration should push states to reduce prison spending by moving more nonviolent inmates out of prisons and into community-based parole and probation systems. One researcher pointed to Texas, where he said a recent shift in the politics of corrections has led to policy changes and a leveling off of that state's incarceration rate.
"I think what we're seeing is that the politics of this issue are changing," said Adam Gelb, director of Pew's public safety performance project. "The old question used to be, 'How can we demonstrate we're tough on crime?' More and more, policy-makers from both sides of the aisle are asking a better question, which is: 'How do we get taxpayers a better return on their dollars?"
Click to open graphic in new window.
Gelb said Texas had saved $500 million by expanding parole and probation, while stopping the construction of new prisons.
Louisiana's prison's chief said he's thinking along the same lines -- but is unable to back a big shift toward parole and probation, partly because those parts of his agency are already overburdened with work.
"Some states are paroling people out, but we're not in a position to do that, in my opinion," said Jimmy LeBlanc, the state's corrections secretary. "Probation and Parole is already overtasked, and releasing even the best prisoners would not be good. We're kind of in a holding pattern as far as that is concerned."
However, LeBlanc said he's planning to convene a new committee within the next few weeks to consider how Louisiana could improve the way it handles criminals. He said the panel, to be chaired by state Supreme Court Chief Justice Kitty Kimball, would include prosecutors, defense lawyers, judges and lawmakers.
The Pew group found that it costs the state $39.75 to keep an offender behind bars for one day. The figure is $2.70 per day for those on probation or parole.
One in 26 Louisiana adults is under correctional control, if probation and parole are included, the group found.
The Pew Center for the States study of 2007 U.S. Census data found that Louisiana's incarceration rate spiked by 272 percent since 1982. That rate of increase is far from the nation's highest of 357 percent in North Dakota, and not far from Mississippi's 256 percent increase. Neighbor states Texas and Arkansas have seen increases around 200 percent.
The Pew group argued that, particularly during a recession, rising costs of incarceration should push states to reduce prison spending by moving more nonviolent inmates out of prisons and into community-based parole and probation systems. One researcher pointed to Texas, where he said a recent shift in the politics of corrections has led to policy changes and a leveling off of that state's incarceration rate.
"I think what we're seeing is that the politics of this issue are changing," said Adam Gelb, director of Pew's public safety performance project. "The old question used to be, 'How can we demonstrate we're tough on crime?' More and more, policy-makers from both sides of the aisle are asking a better question, which is: 'How do we get taxpayers a better return on their dollars?"
Click to open graphic in new window.
Gelb said Texas had saved $500 million by expanding parole and probation, while stopping the construction of new prisons.
Louisiana's prison's chief said he's thinking along the same lines -- but is unable to back a big shift toward parole and probation, partly because those parts of his agency are already overburdened with work.
"Some states are paroling people out, but we're not in a position to do that, in my opinion," said Jimmy LeBlanc, the state's corrections secretary. "Probation and Parole is already overtasked, and releasing even the best prisoners would not be good. We're kind of in a holding pattern as far as that is concerned."
However, LeBlanc said he's planning to convene a new committee within the next few weeks to consider how Louisiana could improve the way it handles criminals. He said the panel, to be chaired by state Supreme Court Chief Justice Kitty Kimball, would include prosecutors, defense lawyers, judges and lawmakers.
The Pew group found that it costs the state $39.75 to keep an offender behind bars for one day. The figure is $2.70 per day for those on probation or parole.
AIG units settle discrimination charges????
Two AIG units settled federal charges that they discriminated against blacks in providing home loans and will pay at least $7.1 million for restitution and education efforts, according to court documents filed on Thursday.
The units, AIG Federal Savings Bank and Wilmington Finance Inc, will provide $6.1 million to borrowers who were affected by the alleged discrimination, according to a consent order filed in U.S. District Court in Delaware.
They will also provide at least $1 million to organizations that provide credit counseling, financial literacy and other educational programs that target blacks, according to the documents.
American International Group Inc (AIG.N), which received a $182.3 billion government bailout amid the 2008 financial crisis, said in a statement that it denied the government's allegations and that the two units did not condone discriminatory conduct.
"We are pleased to have reached an agreement with the government to resolve the issues in the complaint, as well as to avoid the distractions and burdens of protracted litigation over contentious issues," the company said.
The charges resulted from examinations in 2006 and 2007 by the Office of Thrift Supervision, which referred concerns about AIG's practices to the Justice Department for enforcement action.
The department charged that the units "engaged in a pattern or practice of discrimination on the basis of race or color by allowing wholesale mortgage brokers to charge higher direct broker fees to African-American borrowers than to white borrowers for loans" originated and funded by the units.
The companies, which have ended their wholesale home mortgage lending operations and do not plan to re-enter that line of business, also agreed to monitoring programs, the consent order said.
The units, AIG Federal Savings Bank and Wilmington Finance Inc, will provide $6.1 million to borrowers who were affected by the alleged discrimination, according to a consent order filed in U.S. District Court in Delaware.
They will also provide at least $1 million to organizations that provide credit counseling, financial literacy and other educational programs that target blacks, according to the documents.
American International Group Inc (AIG.N), which received a $182.3 billion government bailout amid the 2008 financial crisis, said in a statement that it denied the government's allegations and that the two units did not condone discriminatory conduct.
"We are pleased to have reached an agreement with the government to resolve the issues in the complaint, as well as to avoid the distractions and burdens of protracted litigation over contentious issues," the company said.
The charges resulted from examinations in 2006 and 2007 by the Office of Thrift Supervision, which referred concerns about AIG's practices to the Justice Department for enforcement action.
The department charged that the units "engaged in a pattern or practice of discrimination on the basis of race or color by allowing wholesale mortgage brokers to charge higher direct broker fees to African-American borrowers than to white borrowers for loans" originated and funded by the units.
The companies, which have ended their wholesale home mortgage lending operations and do not plan to re-enter that line of business, also agreed to monitoring programs, the consent order said.
Black-market cosmetic surgeries hospitalize six N.J. women????
Six women from the Essex County area who wanted fuller bottoms ended up in hospitals after receiving buttocks-enhancement injections containing the same material contractors use to caulk bathtubs, officials said.
The women checked into hospitals in the county after their procedures, apparently administered by unlicensed providers, went horribly wrong, state health officials said. The women underwent surgery and were given antibiotics. No arrests have been made.
Different from medical-grade silicone, the substance used in the botched procedures was believed to be a diluted version of nonmedical-grade silicone.
"The same stuff you use to put caulk around the bathtub," said Steven M. Marcus, executive and medical director of the New Jersey Poison Information and Education System, who learned about the bizarre procedures through a committee he sits on that monitors outbreaks in the metropolitan area.
"What a tragedy," said Gregory Borah, chief of plastic surgery at Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital in New Brunswick.
Using over-the-counter silicone can cause abscesses that he said resemble "a big zit."
Borah, also president of the New Jersey Society of Plastic Surgeons, said the botched procedures underscore the need for patients who seek augmentation to have it administered by a licensed professional in a sterile setting.
A plastic surgeon doing buttocks augmentation would make an incision to develop a pocket underneath the muscle and shape the buttocks with inert medical-grade silicone, Borah said. He noted it is a relatively uncommon procedure in most practices and that he has done only two in his 24-year career.
By the time he tells patients of the potential risks — from anesthesia, scarring and silicone shifting when patients sit down — they often change their minds.
Breast and cheek augmentations are the most common procedures, he noted. Borah said buttock augmentation is more popular in some cultures than others.
The state Department of Health and Senior Services did not identify the women or release any details about their ethnicity. It also did not say where the "unlicensed medical provider or providers" performed their procedures.
"Fortunately, these women are being treated and are recovering," said Tina Tan, the state epidemiologist. "But there is the potential for more serious complications if these infections are not treated early and properly."
Investigators have not determined if the six cases, which began to be reported in mid-February, are related, but they have stoked concern among officials that such injuries are more common than previously thought.
Health officials issued an alert to state hospitals and doctors about the cases and the potential for more victims.
Marcus said there have been other incidents over the past couple years of providers providing implants of nonmedical-grade silicone, then getting put out of business — only for other shady providers to surface.
"Caveat emptor: Buyer beware," Marcus said. "If it looks too cheap, there’s probably a reason it’s too cheap."
The women checked into hospitals in the county after their procedures, apparently administered by unlicensed providers, went horribly wrong, state health officials said. The women underwent surgery and were given antibiotics. No arrests have been made.
Different from medical-grade silicone, the substance used in the botched procedures was believed to be a diluted version of nonmedical-grade silicone.
"The same stuff you use to put caulk around the bathtub," said Steven M. Marcus, executive and medical director of the New Jersey Poison Information and Education System, who learned about the bizarre procedures through a committee he sits on that monitors outbreaks in the metropolitan area.
"What a tragedy," said Gregory Borah, chief of plastic surgery at Robert Wood Johnson University Hospital in New Brunswick.
Using over-the-counter silicone can cause abscesses that he said resemble "a big zit."
Borah, also president of the New Jersey Society of Plastic Surgeons, said the botched procedures underscore the need for patients who seek augmentation to have it administered by a licensed professional in a sterile setting.
A plastic surgeon doing buttocks augmentation would make an incision to develop a pocket underneath the muscle and shape the buttocks with inert medical-grade silicone, Borah said. He noted it is a relatively uncommon procedure in most practices and that he has done only two in his 24-year career.
By the time he tells patients of the potential risks — from anesthesia, scarring and silicone shifting when patients sit down — they often change their minds.
Breast and cheek augmentations are the most common procedures, he noted. Borah said buttock augmentation is more popular in some cultures than others.
The state Department of Health and Senior Services did not identify the women or release any details about their ethnicity. It also did not say where the "unlicensed medical provider or providers" performed their procedures.
"Fortunately, these women are being treated and are recovering," said Tina Tan, the state epidemiologist. "But there is the potential for more serious complications if these infections are not treated early and properly."
Investigators have not determined if the six cases, which began to be reported in mid-February, are related, but they have stoked concern among officials that such injuries are more common than previously thought.
Health officials issued an alert to state hospitals and doctors about the cases and the potential for more victims.
Marcus said there have been other incidents over the past couple years of providers providing implants of nonmedical-grade silicone, then getting put out of business — only for other shady providers to surface.
"Caveat emptor: Buyer beware," Marcus said. "If it looks too cheap, there’s probably a reason it’s too cheap."
Poll finds blacks motivated to vote in November!!!!
Democrats facing strong headwinds this election season have at least one reason for optimism, according to polling that found the party's large African-American voting bloc eager to stay involved even without Barack Obama on the ballot.
About two-thirds of black adults in four states say they are closely following news about the upcoming midterm elections, and between 74 percent and 80 percent say they are very likely to vote, according to the poll, conducted by the nonpartisan Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The organization surveyed 500 African-Americans in each state — Missouri, Indiana, Arkansas and South Carolina — all of which have Senate races in November.
How many of those voters follow through with their intentions will help determine if Democrats hold control of Congress. In many competitive congressional districts, blacks make up a quarter of the electorate, and they vote overwhelmingly for Democrats. Their surge during Obama's 2008 victory is widely credited with helping sweep many down-ballot Democrats into office who might have otherwise lost.
David Bositis, a researcher at the institute who directed the poll, said turnout will surely be lower than the poll's findings. But he said the numbers suggest continued enthusiasm.
"I think the Obama election and the fact that there is an African-American president is something of a game-changer," he said. "African-Americans feel like they have a real investment in President Obama ... I think it's a major motivating factor."
The poll found that the economy and health care reform are the top two issues on black voters' minds heading into the midterm election.
Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University who specializes in African-American politics, voiced skepticism about the turnout figures and said it's too early to know just what voters will do.
"One of the things you have to realize with polls is that if you ask people if they're going to vote, people can misrepresent themselves," she said. "Nobody wants to look like a civic deadbeat."
She noted that overall turnout usually hovers around 40 percent of eligible voters in midterm elections. In the 2008 election, 62 percent of eligible voters cast ballots, the highest turnout in 40 years.
"Apart from mobilization happening, these aren't the types of elections that get people out to vote the way you would expect them to," Gillespie said.
The poll, which has a margin of error of 4 percentage points, was conducted last year between November 11 and December 1.
About two-thirds of black adults in four states say they are closely following news about the upcoming midterm elections, and between 74 percent and 80 percent say they are very likely to vote, according to the poll, conducted by the nonpartisan Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. The organization surveyed 500 African-Americans in each state — Missouri, Indiana, Arkansas and South Carolina — all of which have Senate races in November.
How many of those voters follow through with their intentions will help determine if Democrats hold control of Congress. In many competitive congressional districts, blacks make up a quarter of the electorate, and they vote overwhelmingly for Democrats. Their surge during Obama's 2008 victory is widely credited with helping sweep many down-ballot Democrats into office who might have otherwise lost.
David Bositis, a researcher at the institute who directed the poll, said turnout will surely be lower than the poll's findings. But he said the numbers suggest continued enthusiasm.
"I think the Obama election and the fact that there is an African-American president is something of a game-changer," he said. "African-Americans feel like they have a real investment in President Obama ... I think it's a major motivating factor."
The poll found that the economy and health care reform are the top two issues on black voters' minds heading into the midterm election.
Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University who specializes in African-American politics, voiced skepticism about the turnout figures and said it's too early to know just what voters will do.
"One of the things you have to realize with polls is that if you ask people if they're going to vote, people can misrepresent themselves," she said. "Nobody wants to look like a civic deadbeat."
She noted that overall turnout usually hovers around 40 percent of eligible voters in midterm elections. In the 2008 election, 62 percent of eligible voters cast ballots, the highest turnout in 40 years.
"Apart from mobilization happening, these aren't the types of elections that get people out to vote the way you would expect them to," Gillespie said.
The poll, which has a margin of error of 4 percentage points, was conducted last year between November 11 and December 1.
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